I've enjoyed discussing with the folks over at Toxic Culture the issue of the upcoming Chinese Olympic games and the relative merits of an American boycott. Without a doubt, the Chinese government is guilty of suppressing the civil and human liberties of its people by means of arrest, surveillance, and even torture. Moreover, the government maintains significant trade relations with some of the most barbaric regimes on earth, namely Sudan (whose government is complicit, at best, with the genocide in Darfur) and North Korea (whose military dictatorship controls its people by means of mass imprisonment and unspeakable human rights abuses). To top it all off, China's enormous growth over the past decades has been marked by environmental devastation, as its dam projects destroy surrounding communities and ecosystems, and its coal-burning plants produce inordinate amounts of CO2 and suffocate its population.Given these realities, it is not difficult to defend the position that we, as Americans, should boycott China's Olympic games. The thinking goes that such a boycott would (a) allow us to morally distance ourselves from the Chinese government, refusing to cast a blind eye toward its crimes, and (b) pressure the government to reform itself by showing that, if it doesn't clean up its act, America will not trade with them. The boycott is a time-honored tradition of American protest, and perhaps its more famous deployment came in the form of the Alabama bus boycotts of the Civil Rights movement. The question is, though, is boycotting the Chinese games the most effective way to encourage that nation to reform?
A similar debate is presently brewing between our presidential candidates. The Republican line on "rogue regimes" like Iran has been to refuse to engage them (although Bush's recent championing of its negotiations with North Korea seems to call into question the sincerity of that policy). As a result, the McCain team has used Obama's statement--that he would be willing to sit down and talk with Iran's leaders--as a means to show that Obama would "coddle" or "appease" our enemies. The GOP thinking goes, apparently, that the best way to weaken bad leaders is to refuse to engage them; to shun them, if you will.
However, the thinking behind this is historically incorrect. Our attempt to isolate post-World War I Germany did not lead the German people to rise up against its rulers so that their nation could once again participate in international commerce; rather, it allowed the Nazi leadership to exploit anti-outsider sentiment among an impoverished populace and consolidate the country's few resources into one totalitarian center. In modern Iran, America's refusal to trade with the country almost certainly aids the government's policy to suppress "subversive" Western media, all the while creating a perfect scapegoat for the nation's economic woes. The same thing happened in Iraq: cutting ourselves off from the nation furthered the economic conditions that foment radicalism and xenophobia, and prevented us from influencing their people through private channels like the press and student exchange.
Where policies of isolation and shunning have failed before, would things somehow be different with China? Would it help to democratize China is we barred our citizens from participating in the Olympic games? It is difficult to see how it would. The Chinese government has, by this point, accumulated enough resources that it could maintain its power regardless of whether the U.S. continues to invest in the country. Any shortfall in investment would almost certainly be felt the hardest by the citizenry at large, and not by the government and the country's most powerful capitalists, who would use their international connections to retain much of their power and resources. While there would certainly be many in China who would look to an American boycott as a sign that the Chinese government must be reformed, there would be many more who would look to the boycott as a tremendous and unwarranted insult, leading to a deeper support of the Chinese government. The government would be able to use a boycott as an anti-American rallying point, a symbol of Western arrogance and a reason for its citizens to be more loyal to the motherland.
Moreover, the experience of the 1980 boycott of the Moscow Olympics, over Russia's invasion of Afghanistan, demonstrates the ineffectiveness of the strategy. Rather than leading Russia to remove its troops from Afghanistan, the 1980 boycott strengthened Russia's anti-American resolve, and their troops stayed there until 1989. Numerous American athletes were deprived of the chance to achieve their life-long dream of an Olympic medal, and the world missed out on a rare opportunity to join together around a common interest, in a non-hostile environment, and communicate with one another at a time of great international strife.
Communication is critical. This is especially so at a point in Chinese history in which its government still practices many of the human rights abuses that helped solidify its current power, yet the nation is opening up to outside influence and ideas that have the potential to drive real democratic reform. Now is a moment with the real potential to tip the scales toward reform. China's government will not change itself because the United States looks down on it with a shameful and condemning eye. Any reform will come from the bottom up, as more and more Chinese citizens attain knowledge about their own government's practices and about alternative forms of government. The confidence of dissenters will rise as they increasingly recognize that people around the world share their ideas: and they must have contact with these outsiders in order to gain that insight. The best thing that the U.S. government can now do is to send our people, en masse, into China, currying a favorable impression of America and creating the potential for communication between "us" and "them." The worse thing we could do would be to slap the Chinese people in their faces at a moment of great cultural pride, while at the same time halting our own citizen's opportunity to communicate, share with, and persuade the Chinese citizens whose knowledge is the best hope for a new China.















